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January 27, 2004, 9:28 a.m., National
Review Online
Erasing a Clinton Legacy:
Rolling back antigun regs.
By David B. Kopel
The omnibus appropriations bill passed by the
Senate on Thursday contains several important reforms in federal gun
laws, to protect the privacy of people who lawfully exercise their
constitutional rights. Most of the reforms undo abuses of federal
power introduced in the Clinton era.
First, the bill — which passed the House in 2003 — requires that
federal records on lawful gun purchasers who are approved by
the National Instant Check System be destroyed within 24 hours.
As I detailed in an NRO article, when Congress created the NICS
in 1993, it added an amendment to require destruction of records on
law-abiding gun owners: "No department, agency, officer, or employee
of the United States may...use the system established under this
section to establish any system for the registration of firearms
(or) firearm owners..."
The 1993 law reinforced the Firearms Owners' Protection Act of
1986 (FOPA), which prohibited the creation of a registry of gun
owners. FOPA mandated that no "system of registration of firearms,
firearms owners, or firearms transactions or dispositions be
established." Thus, the new 2004 law brings the federal government
into compliance with long-standing federal statutes.
Second, the appropriations bill reinforces existing provisions in
federal and local gun laws prohibiting the release of those records
that are allowed to be kept on gun owners. Federal law requires that
dealers inform
federal law enforcement any time a person purchases two or more
handguns in a 5-day period. Current law requires the federal
government to keep private the names of lawful purchasers.
In early 2003, the Supreme Court was on the verge of hearing a
case involving the city of Chicago's attempt to obtain the name of
every multiple handgun purchaser in the United States. After the
case had been briefed, but before oral arguments, Congress passed an
appropriation with a very specific prohibition on the release of
purchaser names. In light of the appropriation language, the Supreme
Court sent the case back to the lower courts. (For details on the
law and the case, see my
article in ABA
Preview of United States Supreme Court Cases.)
Sometimes the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives
(BATFE) traces a particular gun at the request of law enforcement.
The trace may involve an attempt to find the owner of a stolen gun,
or to learn more about a gun seized from a criminal, or it may
involve a gun seized for a paperwork offense (such as failure to
register the gun in some jurisdictions). BATFE traces can be useful
in some cases, but they are not representative of the broad universe
of guns used in crime — as
Gary Kleck
and I have
explained.
The appropriations bill requires BATFE to disclose the necessary
caveats in published summaries of firearms trace data — thus
preventing BATFE from using trace summaries to push a political
agenda, as it did during the Clinton years.
The appropriations bill also forbids disclosure to the public
(but not to law enforcement) of particular trace records. [2007
clarification: local law enforcement can obtain trace records from their
own locality.] Chicago
had sought these records, too. As the Solicitor General argued in
his Supreme Court brief, many of the people whose names are in the
trace database are innocent of any wrongdoing; for example, they may
be listed on the trace forms because they were witnesses to the
crime in which the traced gun was used. Accordingly, their privacy
should not be violated by disclosing their names to third parties.
Because the federal Freedom of Information Act has no
restrictions on who is seeking the information, or why they want it,
if Chicago had prevailed in the Supreme Court, and if Congress had
failed to act, then anyone (including burglary rings or anti-gun
lobbyists) could have obtained the name of every multiple handgun
purchaser and every person named in a trace request.
When a person buys a gun from a retail dealer, the dealer is
required to fill out the federal Form 4473, which contains a record
on the gun buyer's identity, and the model and serial number of the
gun. According to current federal law, the forms may be inspected at
any time pursuant to a law-enforcement investigation. The forms may
also be inspected as part of annual administrative review of a gun
dealer's compliance with record-keeping requirements. Gun dealers
are required to retain the forms for 20 years. When a gun dealer
goes out of business, he must send the forms to BATFE. Under the
Clinton administration, BATFE began creating computerized records of
the forms from retired dealers. This computer database violates the
1986 law against creation of gun-owner registries. Accordingly, the
omnibus appropriations bill prohibits the expenditure of funds for
the computer database.
The provisions in the appropriations bill are a weakened version of
legislation promoted in 2003 by Rep. Todd Tiahrt (R., Kan.). The
"Tiahrt Amendment" was added in committee to BATFE's appropriations
bill during the summer. The most important missing provision from
the Tiahrt amendment was a provision to stop BATFE from denying
Federal Firearms Licenses (which are required for all gun dealers)
to people who operate small businesses selling guns from their
homes. These small businesses are typically a second incomes for a
dealers.
Because these "kitchen-table dealers" are more likely to know their
customers personally, they are often willing to spend a lot of time
with a customer. Accordingly, kitchen-table dealers are especially
well suited to finding an appropriate gun for the buyer, and at
directing the buyer to suitable firearms instruction. Compared to
large, store-front dealers, the kitchen-table dealers are less
likely to inadvertently sell a gun to a criminal who is using false
identification, since the kitchen-table dealers know their customers
long before a driver's license is displayed.
Under the Clinton administration, BATFE (then, BATF) drove most
kitchen-table dealers out of business. Treasury Secretary Lloyd
Bentsen's rationale was not that the kitchen-table dealers were a
crime problem. Rather, by eliminating tens of thousands of dealers,
BATF would have fewer dealers to inspect. Then BATF could better
concentrate inspections on the larger, store-front dealers.
By enacting Thursday's reforms, Congress has taken an important step
toward undoing the damage of the Clinton years. The rest of the
Clinton gun control appears to be dwindling too. The Brady handgun
waiting period expired in 1998, and was replaced by the National
Instant Check System, which is now registration-free. Many Capitol
Hill analysts believe that the federal ban on so-called "assault
weapons" (cosmetically incorrect guns) will sunset by its own terms
on September 14, 2004. Opposition to renewing the ban is so strong
in the House that only a major push by President Bush could save the
ban, but such a push would be politically disastrous for the
president. Since the NRA started endorsing presidential candidates
in the 1970s, no Republican has been elected or re-elected without
NRA endorsement and strong support from grassroots Second Amendment
activists.
Thus, on September 15, 2004, Bill of Rights activists may wake up to
find that the Clinton antigun legacy has been almost entirely
erased. As President Ford once said, in a different context, "Our
long national nightmare is over."
— David Kopel is the research director
at the Independence Institute. |